--------------------------------------------------------------------------- AGORA5.TXT: Fifth Revision: Discussion Document Revised on 12 December [2007] --------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------- * * * * * --------------- DEMOCRATIC AGORISM ------------------- * * * * * --------------- A Liberal Democratic Representative Open Society ------------------------------------------------ FOREWORD ======== In Classical Greece, the Agora was the public place where free citizens met spontaneously to transact public business, to trade, and to exchange news, views and information. Increasingly, our world is becoming an Agora (or a series of interrelated Agoras across different cross-sections of society)). Liberals, individualists, democratic socialists, social democrats, free-marketeers, classical liberals, conservatives, anarchists and others of no party may all find some merit in these ideas. They outline entirely feasible arrangements for an Open Society affording variety and freedom of choice, as well as more nearly spontaneous orders in political services. These would be social, but not statist. Democratic Agorism can operate in whole or in part, and in any country. Democratic Agorism is very practical (and eminently practicable). All elements of each of the proposals are presently in use somewhere, and can therefore be studied, evaluated, compared, criticised and discussed. The purpose of Democratic Agorism is to make available the best opportunities for citizens qua electors with differing preferences to choose, support and benefit from representation and programmes which most nearly fulfil their requirements and wishes. As well, people will enjoy increased freedom to make their own arrangements for a better life with the funds which are made available. (These proposals should -- I hope! -- appeal to everyone, except perhaps for those seeking power over other people, or those wanting a highly-stratified 'verticalist' society where a few are rich beyond dreams of avarice, whilst the many suffer from poverty and the denial of access to life-chances). American writer Jerry Pournelle in his essay 'The World As It Could Be Made', in Dr. Robert Prehoda's "Your Next Fifty Years" [1980], has pointed out that some people deliberately opt for poverty (for other people), because they dislike seeing other people living as free, independent, self-confident individuals). THE PROBLEMS TO BE SOLVED ------------------------- How can we provide maximal individual freedom (both positive _and_ negative: freedom-to-act as well as freedom-from-coercion) to each and every individual, so that we may live our lives more nearly as we wish? And how do we enable ourselves to enjoy access to the widest range of 'life-chances'? How can we ensure that -- in the rapidly-transforming world economy -- people can choose (and look forward to) a future human and economic environment which is the best we can achieve? And how can we make sure that everyone has a real incentive to choose the best systems providing opportunities for maximal economic growth? Insofar as economic systems are 'Wertfrei' (value-free) abstract games, as the economists tell us, people have the right to choose the most favourable 'game', and to receive full payment for their consent to the game's taking place. Too often, some neoconservatives and others take the _particular_ game (and its income and property distributions) for granted, as a -- somehow -- given 'background'. Not so. As Robert Nozick points out, the better-off tend to be the descendants of the beneficiaries of past injustices, while the less-well-off tend to be the descendants of their predecessors' victims. Justly-due restitution is not 'confiscation', nor is it 'redistribution' either. The monopoly supply of "public" services by the State, which (in democratic theory and principle at least) we as the electorate "hire" to improve society by solving various problems for us -- and the consequent disputes over which services are to be supplied, by whom, under whose control, by which criteria, how and in what quantity, and at what cost -- is problematic. One purpose of these proposals is to outline the possibilities and advantages of simultaneously-available, pluralistic, more nearly market-like arrangements, which will expand and enhance the range and quality of social services. And this should happen in ways which are consistent with the best features of representative democracy and the better, more responsive forms of non-profit voluntary groups and for-profit commercial enterprises. The implementation of these systems can be realised gradually, and will be easier for people to put into practice, and adjust to, than many proposed transitions to more fully free arrangements. Democratic Agorism owes much of its inspiration to the late Agorist theoretician Robert LeFevre and to the late Karl Popper. To Robert LeFevre it owes the insight that there is no basis for property rights which does not entail the possible initiation of aggression to assert those rights -- which aggression is morally forbidden to consistent individualist anarchists, or indeed anyone morally or practically opposed to the initiating of aggression. I see no viable alternative to Milton Friedman's view, expressed in "Capitalism and Freedom": "Just what constitutes property and what rights the ownership of property confers are complex social creations rather than self-evident propositions." To Karl Popper is owed his analysis of the achievement of intellectual, moral and practical advance by means of the Open Society of free and democratic institutions. 'Democracy' to Popper means the ability to change the governing order without violence; and -- to this end -- for people to be free to hypothesize, research, discuss and advance proposals for improving the ways people live. Any free society must ultimately depend on the broad assent of its citizens, which can only be practically demonstrated by democratic arrangememts. Even in an anarchy, people might prefer to have a vote on the system they live within... Democratic Agorism proposes a fundamental transformation of the nature of the State, into a form of Property Company. The process is fairly painless. The State will own the underlying Strata Title of its present territory. The citizens will own the State itself in equal shares. They elect a Board of Directors to manage the Company. Taxes become User Fees; Laws become Terms and Conditions of Use. Revenues from User Fees will be returned to the citizen-owners in equal shares This process effectely "marketizes" the State. The essential elements of Democratic Agorism are modular and synergistic: They include: [A] A contractually-based day-by-day electoral system - Vectored Politics [B] Full-Liability Personal Indemnity Insurance, enabling full restitution. [C] Personal Radio Alarms: for event-driven and customer-driven policing [D] A Restitutive Legal System, with online 'courts' and arbitration. [E] Good Basic Income Provision for all -- independent incomes for all. [F] Networked information services and library facilities [G] National Health Insurance chargecard and online diagnostic facilities [H] Online education and skills-development facilities [I] Tradenet buy/sell/swap/finance/work transaction services [J] Packaged 'political' services provided via elected representatives It has been estimated (David Friedman's Law, in his 'The Machinery of Freedom', 2nd edition) that state services typically produce about one half the value to consumers of voluntary (non-profit or for-profit) provision, at up to twice the cost. He also espouses Robert LeFevre's Agorist ideas: "My own preference is for the sort of economic institutions which have been named, I think by Robert LeFevre, agoric. Under agoric institutions almost everyone is self-employed. Instead of corporations, there are large groups of entrepreneurs related by trade, not by authority. Each sells, not his time, but what his time produces. As a freelance writer (one of my occupations), I am part of an agoric economic order." [1st ed. p. 199, [1973] and [1978]]. A two- to four-fold misallocation rate may be an over-estimate; still, the costs of misallocated resources, conflict, inflation, excessive regulation, waste, bureaucracy, maltreatment and lost opportunities are not always amenable to precise estimation, but they have certainly lowered living standards for most people. The problem to be solved is that of making funds available for different purposes for people to make good use of, by their own lights, with the fullest possible informed consent of those participating in generating the funds.. CHOOSING REPRESENTATION: BOLD STROKES AND INCREMENTAL CHANGES ------------------------------------------------------------- Rather than having periodic general elections, with very limited choice as to candidates, each elector is at any time free to choose any person of his or her preference (who must of course be willing so to act), to be his or her elected representative, always on a revokeable basis. Each day is a possible 'Election Day' for each elector and each representative. Representatives can then delegate their work-load as they see fit, to those they have confidence in. In this age of easy communications, there need be no restriction on the total number of elected representatives meeting in Assembly by means of electronic and tele- conferencing. The emphasis shifts from 'winners and losers' to 'market shares.' The relationship between elector and representative is a standard civil-law contractual one (offer -> acceptance -> performance (-> payment)). Representatives may form mutual-interest groups, which might in some respects approximate the present political coalitions. New patterns of support will emerge. They will not be beholden to political parties. Elections will cease to be periodic all-or-nothing affairs, and will reflect and accommodate gradual shifts in opinion and support, as electors change and develop their preferences between representatives - and their policies - over time. (A variant of modern public-key/private-key security cryptosystems can easily be arranged, to ensure a secret ballot for those preferring such an arrangement. It should be pointed out that most of the present 'secret-ballot' electoral systems are only as 'secret' as the authorities running them want them to be). The legislative functions of the elected assembly will be carried out by means of the representatives voting on measures, each casting that number of votes corresponding to the sum of contracting electors they represent at the time of the vote. Public laws would require the assent of a real majority -- preferably at least 50% of the electorate's votes (after subtracting 'votes-against' from 'votes-for'). I expect this to result in many fewer -- and clearer -- statute laws. It should be worthwhile to introduce 'sunset' review provisions for existing legislation, (as distinct from the body of civil law), so that pre-existing legislation (much of which is dated, inappropriate, corrupt in origin, harmful or poorly-thought-out) will be subject to review and re-enactment or repeal. A Written Constitution, setting out the basic principles of universal human rights -- to facilitate formal and legal enforceability of those rights by means of accessible _trial by jury_ -- is both educational and advantageous for liberty, with entrenching clauses barring attacks on key individual rights and liberties, and forbidding cruel or unusual punishments, and so on. Every country in the world _nominally_ subscribes to these principles already, in the 1947 Universal Declaration of Human Rights: http://www.hri.org/docs/UDHR48.html (UDHR Attached) It is usually easier to convince people (and governments) that they should _respect_ what they've already _actually assented to_. Representatives may go on to appoint an Executive to deal with defence matters, external affairs and so on. There may also be a second (non-spending) oversight and revision chamber, or Senate, with representatives especially chosen for their wisdom, knowledge, character, standing and so on - as electors and their representatives may wish. For the honest and ethical political representatives, there are many advantages to be had from Democratic Agorism, and few disadvantages. Each can work to build up their electoral constituency ('market share'), and to offer the most attractive and worthwhile programmes, to ensure ongoing support and revenue. Each can look forward to promoting their preferred objectives. Each can have some security from the domination of party, leader or faction. Every shade of opinion can be proportionally represented. For the elector, the available opportunities will be very considerably improved over the present unresponsive legislatures and government monopolies. There will be a whole new series of market-places, offering packaged choices of services with strong incentives to be efficient and attractive. Programmes compete for electoral support on a basis which facilitated comparison for quality and value over time. The existence of a variety of simultaneously available alternatives will considerably enhance individual freedoms and reduce social conflicts arising from monopoly provision. It should be noted that Democratic Agorism can be built up gradually (or even covertly, or clandestinely) in non-democratic societies, so as to supplant and replace undemocratic systems by more representative - hence more legitimate - fully democratic ones. And Democratic Agorism provides very useful 'benchmarks' against which any existing social arrangements and situations may be appraised. "What would be happening in this situation within the parameters of Democratic Agorism?" INSURING JUSTICE: CRIME PREVENTION, COMPENSATION AND RESTITUTION ---------------------------------------------------------------- The maintenance and furtherance of individual liberties, and the prevention of criminal acts (violence, coercion, malicious damage and the deliberate infliction of harm), and provision of full compensation or restitution for anyone who has suffered loss or injury, are the moral and logical functions of a rational and humane justice system which is founded on principles of delegated self-defence and equality of protection within the Rule of Law. Most people who have suffered from crime would rather receive full and prompt compensation, than only the remote and uncertain possibility that the actual malefactor might be caught and perhaps punished. In the past, the problem has been that offenders have been unable to compensate their victims adequately. It is time to return the protection of the law from the abstraction of "state" to the reality of persons. Consequently, if each person and association is required to hold public liability insurance (reinsured for complete reliability), full compensation could always be made available to recompense anyone who has suffered loss or who has been harmed. An arrangement similar to the Motor Agents Bureau Agreement in the UK would also operate, to ensure compensation from a 'pooled' fund under all circumstances (i.e. if the offender cannot be immediately found). This insurance would be very inexpensive for people who do not harm other people. (Further, if each citizen is offered and provided with a miniaturized _user-activated_ radio emergency 'panic' search-and-rescue alarm, preset to transmit a uniquely-coded personalized alarm signal which could be triangulated for exact source position location and identification, then rapid-response medical, legal, police and rescue services could be made immediately available on demand. This would also help greatly to deter malefactors, improve peoples' sense of safety, reduce the costs of crime, and assist the prompt arrest of the actual offenders). The basic principles and procedures of English Common Law _can_ (among other systems of law) provide a basis for sensible adjudication services, provided that there are much better administrative arrangements to assure the ready availability of arbitration in civil courts at _no cost_ to the participants. However, as Hayek and others have pointed out, the English Common Law needs extensive revision to correct the unfortunate results of judges over the centuries having been drawn from a social class made up of creditors rather than debtors, landlords rather than tenants, masters rather than servants, vendors rather than customers. It might be added, that there has been a warping of the law caused by the ascendancy in the courts of those with deep pockets and the option of patience resulting in case-by-case decisions favouring them. In a restitutive paradigm, the costs of crime would be more accurately appraised and obvious; insurers and others would have incentives to restrain the incidence of - and thus reduce the costs of - infractions. In all but the most violent and destructive cases, 'House Arrest' should provide sufficient ultimate 'damage limitation.' Personal security and property protection costs, including national defence provision, can be funded by a 'ring-fenced' pro-rata tax on all personal property and wealth owned, so that protection can be more nearly fairly priced according to the worth of the holdings which are being protected. In the UK this might approximate 1% of the value of all property holdings per annum. Policing services may be pluralistic -- those performing policing functions should have no special privileges. PLURAL SOCIAL WELFARE SERVICES ------------------------------ Modern governments take up to 50% of GDP in costs and taxes. These government revenues will be redistributed in equal shares to all electors (a 'social dividend' or 'Basic Income'); and a share therof could be redirected by them to their representatives as their electors wish. Representatives will thus receive funds in direct proportion to the numbers of electors supporting them, enabling them to finance the programmes they undertake to provide for their electors and others. Or the elector may elect to receive the funds intact. Each elector will likely choose the representative whose range of programmes and legislative stance best meets their preferences for representation, and for possible provision of personal social services (health, education, additional income etc.: the present "public" services). To ease the transition, and to allow reconsideration and amendment as and if problems are found, the funds may be transferred from government to electors gradually, over - say - a three-year period. Representatives may offer various mixes of "local" and "national" services. Some representatives will offer services directed more to helping the disadvantaged, while others would be directed more towards enhancing the life-chances of the elector. In the UK at present (1997), under these arrangements, around seven thousand UK pounds per elector per annum is available from an equal-shares reapportionment of total tax revenues, and their return to the elector, with another fifteen hundred UK pounds available for each child. This should be more than sufficient to cover the great majority of electors' situations. It would provide a family income of seventeen thousand UK pounds per annum for a mother, father and two children, before any additional income is earned. This amount should also constitute the Personal Income Tax Allowance. A flat-rate yearly risk-sharing national medical-expenses insurance premium of around four hundred UK pounds should be sufficient to cover all medical expenses (including disability and geriatric care expenses), by funding a risk-sharing Universal Health Insurance chargecard for each citizen, which is used to settle voluntary-sector bona fide treatment charges for bona fide illnesses (thus enabling funds to 'follow the patient'). De-cartelized medicine is much less costly. A NETWORKING SOCIETY -------------------- Each elector's household will be provided with an easy-to-use on-line computer with keyboard or voice input - a terminal connecting to their TV set (or as they wish), to enable access to a wide variety of services and facilities. Network connections will be via the public telephone system (PSTN) at no charge, or via a national hard-wired or fibre-optical data highway, with data-radio facilities provided where there is no existing wired connection. (Handicapped people unable to use the equipment properly can of course be helped to do so, by their friends and relatives, representatives, healthcare professionals and volunteers, neighbours and others). Voice input is now readily available for those preferring it. Network services will include:- electronic mail; news; selecting and appointing democratic representatives; conflict investigation, resolution and legal ajudication services and arbitration facilities; travel facilities; medical diagnosis and treatment outcome information services; educational facilities; employment and trading opportunities; consumer information and advice; housing opportunities; library and information resources; social events and community facilities; financial services; and many other resources. EMERGENCY MEDICAL, POLICE, FIRE & RESCUE SERVICES ================================================= It is now technically and economically possible to provide each and every citizen with a uniquely coded personal miniature radio 'panic' alarm. When activated _by the citizen_ in an emergency situation, the unit transmits a coded signal which identifies the citizen and their location, and summons immediate assistance to those GPS coordinates. This can be medical, policing, fire brigade or other disaster assistance. The signal can be instantly triangulated to pinpoint its source, and Global Positioning Coordinates provided, so that emergency rescue service can be provided by the fastest available route. This would substantially reduce the incidence of crime, and reduce its cost to individuals. SUMMARY ======= The sought-for advantages of the systems proposed here include: [ 1] Improved responsiveness & responsibility of those elected or appointed [ 2] Reduced deficit spending, less inflationary money-printing & borrowing [ 3] Funds go to those programmes which those paying actually approve of [ 4] Reduced forward commitment of future revenue resources [ 5] Channelling of chosen kinds of help to those chosen to be helped [ 6] Social acquisitions by persons and groups rather than nationalisation [ 7] More variety, better value-for-money, less "red-tape", wasted resources [ 8] New employment opportunities and service industries [ 9] Better allocations as between local and national services [10] Incremental change rather than "U-turns", with better adaptation [11] More nearly market-like, with multiple simultaneous choices [12] Smaller, less monolithic administrative bureaucracies [13] Better opportunities for involvement for those wanting to participate [14] Less bitter rivalry when all "sides" can win; not a zero-sum situation [15] Maybe a political currency for spending in the political marketplace [16] Resolution of Kenneth Arrow's voting Impossibility Theorem [17] Resolution of Condorcet's voting Paradox [18] Encouragement of individualism & responsible voluntaryist co-operation [19] Encouragement of new thinking in policy formulation and presentation. AFTERWORD ========= From longer-term free-society perspectives, these ideas offer good prospects for building up a broad range of free and independent groups and social institutions providing personal and welfare services, each largely funded by its own supporters. Representatives would progress by fulfilling their electors' requirements. The struggle for political advantage or domination would be replaced by more constructive activity more nearly voluntarily-based. Rather than the usual futile or domineering zero-sum and negative-sum political struggles, just about everyone could win. There would be more participation in worthwhile ongoing activities, and better understanding of the virtues and advantages of a more fully free society. Representatives would be more accountable, and electors would have incentives to be responsible. The redistributive elements of revenue-sharing and apportionment would become more obvious and more nearly subject to rational and humane considerations. Poorer people frequently bear a disproportionate burden of 'social costs.' ( This presentation is an outline of some ideas for a more fully free liberal and democratic free society; it may also help provide a better understanding of freely-chosen plural social welfare provision. Written comment is always welcome. -TH Bristol, England, 12 December [2007] ). All Best Wishes / /\ \ --*----*-- Tony Hollick, LightSmith http://www.STARGATE.uk.net (Agora Home Page, Rainbow Bridge Foundation) http://www.aclu.org (American Civil Liberties Union) http://www.amnesty.org (Amnesty International) ------------------- * * * * * --------------- ! http://www.NSA.gov (NSA)| * Anduril@STARGATE.uk.net | - <+> --------------------------* * * *-------------------------- <+> - | Rainbow Bridge Foundation * * Centre for Liberal Studies | - <+> --------------------------* * * *-------------------------- <+> - | 4 Grayling House, Canford Rd: * Bristol BS9 3NU Tel: 9504914 | "These are the Warriors who have the power to create Paradise." MOTTO, FIRST EARTH BATTALION FOUNDATION ------------------- * * * * * --------------- ------------------- * * * * * --------------- Universal Declaration of Human Rights ------------------- * * * * * --------------- NEW YORK 10 December 1948 Contents PREAMBLE Articles G.A. res. 217A (III), U.N. Doc A/810 at 71 (1948). On December 10, 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the full text of which appears in the following pages. Following this historic act the Assembly called upon all Member countries to publicize the text of the Declaration and "to cause it to be disseminated, displayed, read and expounded principally in schools and other educational institutions, without distinction based on the political status of countries or territories." Final Authorized Text ------------------- * * * * * --------------- UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ------------------- * * * * * --------------- PREAMBLE Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has beep proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law, Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations, Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed thei r faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation wit h the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greates t importance for the full realization of this pledge, Now, Therefore, THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievem ent for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction. Article 1 All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2 Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3 Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4 No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5 No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6 Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7 All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8 Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law. Article 9 No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile. Article 10 Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him. Article 11 (1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence. (2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed. Article 12 No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks. Article 13 (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country. Article 14 (1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution. (2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 15 (1) Everyone has the right to a nationality. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality. Article 16 (1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution. (2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses. (3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State. Article 17 (1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property. Article 18 Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance. Article 19 Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Article 20 (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. (2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association. Article 21 (1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives. (2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country. (3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures. Article 22 Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality. Article 23 (1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment. (2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work. (3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection. (4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests. Article 24 Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay. Article 25 (1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection. Article 26 (1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. (2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. (3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children. Article 27 (1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits. (2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author. Article 28 Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized. Article 29 (1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible. (2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society. (3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 30 Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein. ------------------- * * * * * --------------- From the HR-Net Group / Hellenic Resources Institute, Inc. Wednesday, 27 September [1995] Original Source: gopher://gopher.undp.org:70/00/unearth/rights .